History/Travel bookshelf:
Next book on the shelf is Beyond Belief: Islamic Excursions Among the Converted Peoples
Here’s an excerpt from his section on Iran. He meets a man named Ali – who is in his 60s. Ali made a fortune during the Shah’s time as a real estate developer. He was a supporter of the revolution – because he wanted his country to be free, his people to be liberated. But as we all know – the revolution took a bit of a turn, shall we say, with the Khomeini return. Ali suffered greatly in the early years of the revolution – because of his success. He was kidnapped three times, arrested, thrown in jail … But he survived that rough time – learned how to live with the new rules of the new regime.
Here is part of Naipaul’s long interview with Ali. I love these two books. I highly recommend them both.
From Beyond Belief: Islamic Excursions Among the Converted Peoples
Some people Ali knew, supporters of the revolution, turned against it after the first month. Ali thought he should give it a little more time. But then, about two months after the revolution, when the executions began, he had serious doubts. People who had done nothing were arrested and taken to jail. Many of them disappeared. “Then they started charging into people’s houses, confiscating their properties. We had no security for our property or our children or our wife.” I felt that the word in Ali’s word was the word Mehrdad had introduced me to: namoos.
A revolutionary court, the Court of Islamic Justice, had been set up about a month after the revolution. One of Ali’s best friends was second in command in that court, and Ali used to go every day to see what he could do to save people he knew.
“That court was going almost twenty-four horus a day. Khalkhalli was the master of that court.” Ayatollah Khalkhalli, Khomeini’s famous hanging judge. “He used this court as the instrument of his executions. It was in Shariati Street. Before the revolution it was a military court. The Shah had set up this court to try his opponents. Almost the same people who had set up this court were now tried in it, in the same building. My friends were in the court for about two years.”
But long before that time Ali had given up on the revolution, and he was deep in his own torments.
“We expected something heavenly to happen — something emotional. When we were kids of twelve and thirteen we used to read accounts of the French Revolution, the American Revolution, the Glorious Revolution in England. And the Russian Revolution. But we were always fascinated with the French Revolution. It was something done by God, you know. In the last generation most of the Iranians who had studied abroad had French culture. We were hypnotized by their stories of the French Revolution. We all thought revolution was something beautiful, done by God, something like music, like a concert. It was as though we were in a theatre, watching a concert, and we were happy that we were part of the theatre. We were the actors now. For years we had been reading about Danton and Robespierre. But now we were the actors. We never thought that those killings would start afterwards.”
It took a year for the communists and the Islamics to move away from one another. But the Tudeh, the communist party, had infiltrated every branch of the new government. They even went to the Friday prayers in the mosques. They showed themselves as people of God. The communist party in those early days put itself entirely at the service of Khomeini. They said, according to Ali, that they didn’t want executive power; they were content to be counselors. And they were behind the nationalization of banks, insurance companies, factories. They gave the Soviet-style aspect to government and official demeanor which the visitor could still notice.
After six months of the revolution Ali was insecure and bitter. Life wasn’t easy. It was impossible to work. The new officials were hostile; they looked upon Ali as part of the old regime. Some people in Ali’s company began to agitate against him. Two or three of them would come to Ali’s office to “question” him. He had to buy them off. And at the end of the first year he was kidnapped.
“This was in Kerman. I was on my land. We were building houses. They came in a car, three or four of them. They asked me to help them in a building project they had. I got in the car, and they drove me away. They kept me fifteen kilometers away in a desert area and questioned me as in a court. It was in a little shanty house, a shepherd’s shelter. They were young boys. They had seen a lot of cinema. Now they had guns in their hands and they felt really big.”
The guns were from the armories of the Shah’s army. When the army collapsed, and it collapsed suddenly, many people ran to the armories to get guns. For four months after the revolution the guns were piled up in the university and were being given away to anyone who asked for one and could show an ID card. Many people offered Ali guns, but he soon realized that guns were no use to him, because he couldn’t kill anyone, even to protect himself. And perhaps if he had had a gun and had tried to use it at the time of his kidnapping, he might have been harmed by his boy kidnappers.
He thought now to move carefully with these boys, in order to find out just how many more were behind them. Perhaps there was no one else. Perhaps there were four thousand, and they were planning to hold him for a ransom. They talked for ten hours in the shepherd’s hut in the desert. At last they said they were going to release him, but he had to pay them. He didn’t want to pay them too much; he didn’t want to encourage others. He promised very small sums. The boys were enraged. They threatened to kill him. They threatened to destroy his building company. But he didn’t promise more.
He said, “I was very strict.”
And in the end he was released. But this kidnapping added to his insecurity. There were four million people in Tehran; and it seemed that any four of the five million could come with guns to demand money. And all the time now there was trouble with local officals. They began to occupy his land and housing developments. They said they were government property and had to be given to the people.
“The local government man actually confiscated many properties in Kerman, mine and other people’s.”
“What was he like? Did you get to know him?”
“He was connected to the mujahidin group. Very leftist, one hundred percent against capitalists.”
“What was he like physically?”
“He was about thirty-four, short, fat. Full of resentment. An educated man, an engineer. I am sure he was beaten by SAVAK. And he was full of resentment. He caused me a lot of damage. Millions. Many millions. I met him a few years ago. He came to my office. He was poor. He had been kicked out of office. The government had put him in prison. He came to me and asked for a job. He came and kissed me and asked for pardon. He was then about forty-five. He had an old jacket. I told him that every kid had toys, but there is one toy that is the special toy. ‘I too have toys. I have been used to living well, to enjoy myself, and every night, all through my life, I have had lavish food. I am still doing that. And that is my favorite toy. If because of what you have done I didn’t have my lavish living for one night, I would never forgive you. I would never pardon you. But what you did was like a little fly walking on my skin. It couldn’t hurt me.'”
A lawyer friend of Ali’s had come into the room where we were and was sitting with us — it was a Friday morning, the Muslim sabbath — and I felt that the presence of this third person was encouraging Ali’s unusual passion.
I asked, “Did you give the man the job?”
“I didn’t give him the job. Because people of this kind can never be enlightened. If they had the chance again, they would hurt me again. So they should be kept away.”
And now, a year into the revolution, Ali was being pushed from every side, by government people, by communists within the government, and by simple agitators. He was kidnapped three or four more times.
“I wasn’t much afraid to go with them, because I knew that my reasoning was stronger than theirs. The first time you think it’s a wild animal, it’s going to tear you apart. But once you tame this animal, you can order them around.”
There was now, too, a constant harassment from the Revolutionary Guards, jumping into the garden and looking through the windows to see whether anyone was looking at television or videos, or breaking into the house to search for alcohol or ham or women’s dresses or men’s neckties, all now forbidden things.
“And if you were cleanly dressed, they didn’t like it. They would attack you. It was like Pol Pot, but n ot so extreme. Ten percent. It was a full revolution.”
“A full revolution?”
“The reins of government went altogether out of the hands of government, out of control. It was anarchy and terror. The reason was Khomeini himself. About three months after the revolution I was taken by my ayatollah friend to meet Mr. Khomeini. The ayatollah friend had explained to Khomeini that I was a developer and a technical man and could help with housing problems. I and the ayatollah friend and Khomeini were sitting together on the ground in Khomeini’s house. The door opened. Some mullahs came in. Khomeini started talking with them. Later some more mullahs came in. And it went on and on until the room was full of mullahs, two hundred of them. And they all wanted money to take to their students and religious organizations in their own towns. Khomeini said he didn’t have money to give to all of them. Then he said, ‘Go to your own towns. Fine the first man who is rich or the first man who has a factor or a huge farm. And force him to pay you.'”
This language from the head of the government shocked Ali. And this was when he realized that Khomeini was leading his people to chaos.
The lawyer sitting with us said, “His mental discipline was different from other people’s. He was a man of the people. He understood the majority of the people. The majority were not educated. They wanted to get money and things. They didn’t want revolution. They wanted money, and Khomeini knew that.”
Ali said, “The majority wanted to loot.”
The lawyer said, “So he made disorder in the country and let them loot. He did what they wanted.”
Ali said, “When he said ‘Follow the law’, it wasn’t the law of the country. It was his law, the law in his own mind. Before the revolution he said it was un-Islamic to pay taxes to the government. After, he said it was Islamic to pay taxes to the government. He wanted complete chaos. That day in his house I realized this man is not a man of government. He was still a revolutionary. He couldn’t control himself. Until the very last day he was making disorder.”
I wondered whether this disorder, this constant “revolution” (a word with misleading assocations), wasn’t an aspect of Shia protest. But when I made the point neither Ali nor the lawyer took it up. They were disillusioned men; they spoke out of a great torment; but they were so deep in Shiism, it was so much part of their emotional life, that they couldn’t take this step back, as it were, and consider it from the outside.
They began to talk instead of the Islamic law of necessity, in whose name Khomeini, always acting religiously, had said and unsaid things.
Ali said, of this law of necessity, “To protect yourself, you can sometimes do something wrong. The ayatollahs can mediate between the first level of laws, which come from Allah, and the second level. When the need arises, the ayatollahs can for a short time issue secondary orders.” The example he gave was close to him. “In Islam the protection of people’s property belongs to the first level of laws. But during Khomeini’s regime, while he was alive, there was a shortage of land for housing. So Khomeini said, ‘Using my privilege of ordering the second order of laws, I am going to grab plots of land that belong to anybody in the town, without paying any compensation, and I am going to subdivide it and give it to the people who need it. Because there is necessity.'”
And now, to prove that this action of Khomeini’s was excessive, the lawyer began, as I felt, to take me down the lanes and ancient alleyways and tunnels of Islamic jurisprudence such as was taught in the theological schools of Mashhad and Qom.
The lawyer — delicately eating small green figs whole, and, in between, peeling and eating other fruit — said, “About a hundred years after the birth of Islam one of the caliphs in Mecca wanted to take land around the holy place. People were living in houses around this holy place, the Kaaba. But the law didn’t allow the taking of the land. Protecting people’s property was a duty of the caliph. So the caliph invited the big muftis to his house, to find some way. The best opinion was that of a direct descendant of Prophet Mohammed, the fifth Shia Imam, Bagher. He said, ‘You can take those houses around the Kaaba because the Kaaba came first. Value the houses, and pay the owners, and send them away.'”
Ali said, “Khomeini has set a bad example. Every ayatollah now can claim necessity, as Khomeini often did, and break the law.” And Iran was still living with his Islamic constitution, which gave him supreme power, and established the principle of leadership and obedience. The constitution provided for an elected assembly, but there was also a council, which could override the assembly.
Ali said, “He had an instinctive brain. He was instinctively intelligent. An instinctive, animal intelligence. Because of this he could command the people. He did not have an educated intelligence. He didn’t become emotion. He was very cool.”
